On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications

Abstract

This paper provides new evidence for the availability A-movement out of a CP and considers its theoretical implications. The discussion concerns what I call the “pseudo”-small clause construction in Japanese, which has not received much attention in the literature. The pseudo-small clause construction shows a puzzling constraint on major subjects originating in complement clauses: the major subjects must receive accusative Case from a matrix predicate despite the availability of nominative Case within the complement clauses. To explain this constraint, it is proposed that (i) pseudo-small clauses are phasal CPs and (ii) the major subjects originating in the pseudo-small clause complements must undergo movement into a matrix theta-position, which takes place across the CP phase. It is also suggested that (i) Tense in Japanese moves to C, (ii) Standard Japanese has null complementizers, and (iii) the ban on A-movement out of a CP is explained in terms of the locality of Agree.

Keywords

Agree, improper movement, Inverse Case Filter, major subjects, phases, small clauses

How to Cite

Takahashi, M., (2017) “On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications”, Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 2(1): 44. doi: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.92

Download

Download PDF

1299

Views

594

Downloads

2

Citations

Share

Authors

Masahiko Takahashi orcid logo (Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Yamagata University, 1–4–12 Kojirakawa-machi, Yamagata-shi, Yamagata 990–8560)

Download

Issue

Publication details

Dates

Licence

Creative Commons Attribution 4.0

Identifiers

Peer Review

This article has been peer reviewed.

File Checksums (MD5)

  • PDF: da881e7a1b8fc4035d420e4220de1dfc