In this work, we examine the factors allowing or disallowing French Complex Event Nominals (CENs, i.e. deverbal nominals displaying argument and aspectual structures,
To account for the distribution of nominal plurality, we rely on lexical aspect. We show that the CENs that do not admit pluralization are strictly atelic: they nominalize strictly stative verbs or push-verbs (
Since the distribution of plural just described is proper to CENs, which have an internal verbal structure, we suggest that it deserves a syntactic analysis. Our hypothesis is that [–count] CENs derive from verbs that are deprived of AspQP (
In this work, we examine the possibility for French Complex Event Nominals (henceforth CENs,
In French, pluractionality, that is, plurality of events (
(1)
a.
la
The
rénovation
renovation
{fréquente
{frequent
/
/
régulière
regular
/
/
annuelle}
annual}
de
of
l’ appartement
the flat
par
by
Max
Max
‘the {frequent/regular/annual} renovation of the flat by Max’
b.
les
the.
rénovation-s
renovation-
de
of
l’ appartement
the flat
par
by
Max
Max
‘the renovations of the flat by Max’
In (1a), nominal pluractionality is conveyed in a similar manner as verbal pluractionality, by the means of a frequency adjective (1a) or adverbial (2), whereas it is expressed by regular nominal plural in (1b), contrasting with a singular form (3) in the same manner as other count nouns (4).
(2)
Max
Max
renove
renovates
{souvent
{often
/
/
fréquemment
frequently
/
/
régulièrement}
regularly}
l’ appartement.
the flat
‘Max {often/frequently/regularly} renovates the flat.’
(3)
la
the
rénovation
renovation
de
of
l’ appartement
the flat
par
by
Max
Max
‘the renovation of the flat by Max’
(4)
le
the
livre
book
/
les
the.
livre-s
book-
‘the book/books’
We will first show that, contra Grimshaw (
To account for this split behavior, we will first consider the hypothesis (
This article is organized as follows. In Section 2 we describe the syntactic properties of CENs in French, paying particular attention to the possible expression of nominal pluractionality, and we show that CENs that cannot occur in the plural qualify as [–count] nouns. In Section 3, we examine the conditions underlying CEN pluralization. We show that count CENs can result from the nominalization of atelic VPs, whether activities (3.2.1.) or states (3.2.2.), provided these also have a telic counterpart. Conversely, plural cannot occur if the base is strictly atelic, which is the case of pure states and push-verbs (
CENs are deverbal nominals describing events, that are morphologically built by suffixation or conversion from verbal bases. According to Grimshaw (
The major syntactic properties distinguishing CENs from other classes of deverbal nominals (see in particular
Distinctive properties of CENs.
| CEN | Simple Event Nominals | Result Nominals | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Argument Structure | + | – | – |
| - Obligatory internal argument | + | – | – |
| - Agentive/Manner modifiers | + | – | – |
| - by-phrases expressing the external argument | + | – | – |
| - purpose infinitive clauses | + | – | – |
| Aspectual structure | + | – | – |
| - |
+ | – | – |
| - frequency adjectives | + |
+ |
– |
As can be seen from Table (
(5)
a.
la
the
réparation
repair
[de
[of
la
the
voiture]
car]
([par
[by
le
the
garagiste])
mechanics]
([pour
[to
aller
go
à
to
Lyon])
Lyon]
‘the repair [of the car] ([by the mechanics]) ([in order to go to Lyon])’
b.
sa
its
réparation
repair
([par
[by
le
the
garagiste])
mechanics]
‘its repair ([by the mechanics])’
c.
la
the
réparation
repair
*[par
*[by
le
the
garagiste]
mechanics]
‘the repair *[by the mechanics]’
The presence of an aspectual structure allows CENs to combine with temporal PPs introduced by
(6)
a.
la
the
réparation
repair
de
of
la
the
voiture
car
(par
(by
le
the
garagiste)
mechanics)
en
in
deux
two
heures
hours
‘the repair of the car (by the mechanics) in two hours’
cf.
b.
Le
the
mécanicien
mechanics
a
has
réparé
repaired
la
the
voiture
car
en
in
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘The mechanics repaired the car in two hours.’
(7)
a.
l’utilisation
the use
du
of-the
photocopieur
copy machine
(par
(by
les
the
élèves)
pupils)
pendant
for
30 minutes
30 minutes
‘the use of the copy machine (by the pupils) for 30 minutes’
b.
Les
the
élèves
pupils
ont
have
utilisé
used
le
the
photocopieur
copy machine
pendant
for
30 minutes.
30 minutes
‘The pupils used the copy machine for 30 minutes.’
Finally, according to Grimshaw, CENs reject pluralization, contrary to both SENs and RNs. However, as we have seen in (1), this is not the case in French. Examples (8) show that frequency adjectives can appear with singular and plural CENs in French (
(8)
{la/les}
{the.
rénovation(s)
renovation(.
{fréquente(s)
{frequent(.
/
/
régulière(s)
regular(.
/
/
annuelle(s)}
annual(.
de
of
l’appartement
the flat
par
by
Max
Max
‘the {frequent/regular/annual} {renovation/renovations} of the flat by Max’
By contrast, the examples in (9) illustrate the behavior of SENs. As can be seen from (a–b), their external argument cannot be expressed by a
(9)
a.
le
the
voyage
trip
(à Paris)
(to Paris)
{*par
{*by
/
/
de}
of}
Max
Max
‘the trip to Paris {*by/of} Max’ (i.e. Max’s trip to Paris)
b.
le
the
voyage
trip
(à Paris)
(to Paris)
{??pendant
{??for
/
/
de}
of}
deux
two
heures
hours
‘the trip to Paris {??for/of} two hours’ (i.e. the two hours trip to Paris)
c.
??le voyage fréquent
(lit.: ‘the frequent trip’)
vs:
d.
les
‘the
voyages
frequent
fréquents
trips’
As for RNs, they do not combine with frequency or duration markers. In (10b), the modifier
(10)
a.
la
the
décoration
decoration
de
of
la
the
maison
house
par
by
Max
Max
chaque
every
année
year
‘the decoration of the house by Max every year’
b.
{une/des}
{a/
décoration(s)
decoration(.
en
in
papier
paper
(*{fréquente(s)
(*{frequent(.
/
/
chaque
every
année
year
/
/
pendant
for
deux
two
heures
hours
/
/
en
in
deux
two
heures})
hours})
Finally, the examples in (11–14) show that CENs can derive from VPs belonging to all aspectual classes, and maintain the aspectual properties of the corresponding VPs (see also
(11)
a.
Alice
Alice
{possède
{possesses
/
/
*est en train de posséder}
*is possessing}
(*lentement)
(*slowly)
un
a
ordinateur.
computer
[State]
‘Alice {possesses/*is possessing} a computer (*slowly).’
b.
La
the
possession
possession
(*lente)
(*slow)
d’un
of a
ordinateur
computer
par
by
Alice
Alice
(*a eu
(*took
lieu
place
ce
this
matin.)
morning)
‘The (*slow) possession of a computer by Alice (*took place this morning.)’
(12)
a.
Les
the
élèves
pupils
ont
have
utilisé
used
le
the
photocopieur
copy machine
{pendant
{for
/
/
*en}
*in}
30 mn.
30 mn
[Activity]
‘The pupils used the copy machine {for/*in} 30 mn.’
b.
l’utilisation
the use
du
of.the
photocopieur
copy machine
(par
(by
les
the
élèves)
pupils)
{pendant
{for
/
/
*en}
*in}
30 mn
30 mn
‘the use of the copy machine (by the pupils) {for/*in} 30 mn’
(13)
a.
Max
Max
a
has
rénové
renovated
l’appartement
the flat
{en
{in
/
/
≠
≠
pendant}
for}
2 semaines.
2 weeks
[Accomplishement]
‘Max renovated the flat {in/≠ for} 2 weeks.’
b.
la
the
rénovation
renovation
de
of
l’appartement
the flat
(par
(by
Max)
Max)
{en
{in
/
/
≠
≠
pendant}
for}
2 semaines
2 weeks
‘the renovation of the flat (by Max) {in/≠for} 2 weeks’
(14)
a.
La
the
commission
commission
a
has
validé
validated
le
the
résultat
result
en
in
(= au bout de)
(= after)
10 mn.
10 mn
[Achievement]
‘The commission validated the result in (= after) 10 mn.’
b.
la
the
validation
validation
du
of.the
résultat
result
(par
(by
la
the
commission)
commission)
en
in
(= au bout de)
(= after)
10 mn
10 mn
‘the validation of the result (by the commission) in (= after) 10 mn’
In (11), the stative aspect of the verb
To measure the duration of the event, the activity verb
As shown above in examples (1) and (8), pluractionality can be expressed in French CENs by frequency adjectives (1a), plural marking (1b) or a combination of both (8). This confirms the observation (see
However, not all French CENs behave alike. As can be seen from (15), some reject pluralization:
(15)
a.
L’
the
expression
expression
(fréquente)
(frequent)
de
of
ses
his
sentiments
feelings
(par
(by
le
the
patient)
patient)
est
is
recommandée.
desirable.
‘The frequent expression of his feelings (by the patient) is desirable.’
b.
*Les
The.
expressions
expression.
de
of
leurs
their
sentiments
feelings
(par
(by
les
the
patients)
patients)
sont
are
recommandées.
desirable
In such a case, pluractionality can only be conveyed by the means of a frequency adjective combined with a non-plural form. Interestingly, it is precisely the English version of this example that is provided by Grimshaw to illustrate her point:
| (16) | Grimshaw ( |
|
| a. | The {expression/*expressions} of one’s feelings {is/*are} desirable. | |
| b. | The frequent expression of one’s feelings is desirable. | |
The CEN
(17)
a.
[L’abbaye]
[the abbey]
renforce
strengthens
le
the
site
place
après
after
les
the.
invasions
invasion.
de
of
l’ Angleterre
the England
par
by
Robert
Robert
l°
the
d’Ecosse
First of Scotland
entre
between
1316
1316
et
and
1322.
1322.
‘[The abbey] strengthens the place after the invasions of England by Robert the First of Scotland between 1316 and 1322.’
b.
Charles
Charles
Brasseur
Brasseur
subit
endured
les
the.
bombardements
bombing.
de
of
Paris
Paris
par
by
les
the
Allemands
Germans
en
in
mars
March
1918.
1918
‘Charles Brasseur endured the bombings of Paris by the Germans in March 1918.’
c.
Les
The.
lavages
washing.
(trop
(too
fréquents)
frequent)
de
of
la
the
chemise
shirt
ont
have
terni
faded
sa
its
couleur.
color
Lit.: ‘The too frequent washings of the shirt have faded its color.’
(i.e. ‘The shirt’s color faded due to too frequent washings.’)
We are thus facing two different patterns. On the one hand, CENs such as
The availability of plural marking is a distinctive property of count nouns, which also combine with the indefinite articles
(18)
a.
un
livre
book
/
/
{des
{
/
/
trois
three
/
/
plusieurs}
several}
livre-s
book-
‘a book/{—/three/several} books’
b.
*unSG
beurre
butter
/
/
*{desPL
*{
/
/
trois
three
/
/
plusieurs}
several}
beurre-s
butter-
/
/
du
beurre
butter
As shown in (19), CENs that occur in the plural can also be introduced by the indefinites
(19)
a.
Cette
this
époque
period
commence
begins
avec
with
{l’
{the
/
/
une
one
/
/
des
/
/
plusieurs}
several}
invasion(s)
invasion(.
de
of
l’Europe
the Europe
par
by
les
the
Barbares
Barbarians
d’Outre-Rhin,
from the other side of the Rhine at
au
the
début
beginning
du
of
Vème siècle.
5th century
‘The period begins with {the/an/(several)} invasion(s) of Europe by the Barbarians from the other side of the Rhine, at the beginning of 5th century.’
b.
La
the
bataille
battle
principale
major
se poursuivait,
Refl-continued
avec
with
{des/
{
un}
a}
bombardement(s)
bombing(.
de
of
la
the
ville
city
par
by
les
the
forces
regular
régulières.
forces
The major battle was continuing, with {a bombing/bombings} of the city by the regular forces.’
c.
{Une
{a
/
/
plusieurs}
several}
rénovation(s)
renovation(.
de l’appartement
of the flat
(par
(by
le
the
propriétaire)
owner)
{a/ont}
{has/have}
été
been
faite(s)
made
l’an
last
dernier.
year
‘{A renovation/several renovations} of the flat (by the owner) {has/have} been made last year.’
d.
{Un
{a
lavage
washing
trop
too
chaud
hot
/
/
des
lavage-s
washing-
trop
too
fréquents}
frequent}
des
of
vêtements
cloths
en
of.them
ternissent
fade
les
the
couleurs.
colors
Lit.: {‘Too hot a washing/too frequent washings} of clothes make color fade.’
‘Clothe’s colors fade due to {too hot a washing/too frequent washings}.’
Consequently,
Conversely, like plural marking, the use of the indefinite
(20)
a.
*Une
an
expression
expression
de
of
ses
one’s
sentiments
feelings
est
is
recommandée.
desirable.
(lit.: ‘an expression of one’s feelings is desirable.’)
b.
{L’
{the.
/
/
*une/
*a/
*les}
*the.
expression(*s)
expression(.*
de
of
ces
these
sentiments
feelings
par
by
Satsuki
Satsuki
et
and
Yui
Yui
nous
us
font
make
palpiter
thrill
le
the
coeur!
heart
‘{The expression(*s)/*an expression} of these feelings by Satsuki and Yui make our hearts thrill!’
The same restrictions apply to other CENs, such as
(21)
a.
Malgré
despite
{la/
{the-
*une/
*a/
*les}
*the.
possession(*s)
possession(.*
d’une
of a
voiture
car
par
by
62 personnes,
62 persons
25
25
d’entre
among
elles
them
recourent
resort
à
to
de l’aide.
‘Despite {the possession(*s)/*a possession} of a car by 62 people, 25 of them resort to help.’
b.
{La
{the.
/
/
*une
*a
/
/
*les}
*the.
conduite(*s)
driving(.*
de
of
cet
this
engin
machine
(par
(by
un/ce
a/this
jeune
young
conducteur)
driver)
est
is
risquée.
risky
‘{The driving(*s)/*a driving} of this machine (by a/this young driver) is risky.’
c.
{La
{the.
/
/
*une
*a
/
/
*les}
*the.
protection(*s)
protection(.*
des
of.the
civils
civilians
(par
(by
l’armée)
the army)
est
is
courante
frequent
en
in
temps
time
de
of
guerre.
war
‘{The protection(*s)/*a protection} of the civilians by the army is common in wartime.’
The unavailability of
To sum up, pluractionality in French CENs can be conveyed in two manners. First, it can be expressed solely by frequency adjectives, since they combine with non-plural nominals (
(22)
a.
l’
the.
invasion
invasion
fréquente
frequent
du pays
of.the country
‘the frequent invasion of the country’
b.
le
the.
bombardement
bombing
répété
repeated
de
of
la
the
ville
city
‘the repeated bombing of the city’
c.
la
the.
rénovation
renovation
régulière
regular
de
of
l’appartement
the flat
‘the regular renovation of the flat’
d.
le
the.
lavage
washing
trop
too
fréquent
frequent
de
of
la
the
chemise
shirt
‘the too frequent washing of the shirt’
Second, it can be marked by nominal plural, possibly combined with frequency markers. Yet, as shown by the behavior of
It is worth noting here that [–count] CENs do not behave as regular mass nouns. This is shown by the fact that they cannot be introduced by the partitive article, a question that will be addressed in Section 4.2.2.
| (23) | a. | *de l’ |
[comp. (15a)] |
| ‘expression of one’s feelings’ | |||
| b. | *de la |
[comp. (21a)] | |
| ‘possession of a car (by 62 people)’ | |||
| c. | *de la |
[comp. (21b)] | |
| ‘driving of the truck (by the driver)’ | |||
| d. | *de la |
[comp. (21c)] | |
| ‘protection of the civilians’ |
These data raise the question of the origins of the [±count] character of CENs. This is examined in the following section.
The origin of [±count] properties of nouns describing events is a longstanding debate, originating in authors such as Bach (
Leaving aside perfectivity (but see
Expected correlation between [±count] and [±telic].
| [–bounded] | [+bounded] | |
|---|---|---|
| Events | [–telic] | [+telic] |
| CENs | [–count] | [+count] |
| Aspectual classes | - Activities |
- Accomplishments |
In the next subsection however, we show that this prediction is not completely borne out.
As we have just seen, if the reflex of atelicity in the nominal domain is the [–count] feature, we expect activity CENs to be unable to occur in the plural. However, all French activity nominals do not behave in the same manner.
Similarly to
(24)
a.
Les
the
scientifiques
scientists
ont
have
étudié
studied
ce
this
phénomène
phenomenon
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
10 ans.
10 years
‘The scientists studied this phenomenon {*in/for} ten years.’
b.
{l’
{the.
/
/
*les}
the.
étude(*s)
study(.*
du
of.the
phénomène
phenomenon
(par
(by
les
the
scientifiques)
scientists)
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
10 ans
10 years
‘the {study/*studies} of this phenomenon (by scientists) {*in/for} 10 years’
(25)
a.
Les
the
étudiants
students
ont
have
fréquenté
attended
ce
this
bar
bar
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
6 mois.
6 months
‘The students attended this bar {*in/for} six months.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
*les}
the.
fréquentation(*s)
attendance(.*
de
of
ce
this
bar
bar
(par
(by
les
the
étudiants)
students)
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
6 mois
6 months
‘the attendance(*s) of this bar (by the students) {*in/for} 6 months’
(26)
a.
Les
the
élèves
pupils
ont
have
pratiqué
practiced
la
the
musique
music
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
un
one
an.
year
‘The pupils practiced music {*in/for} one year.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
*les}
the.
pratique(*s)
practice(.*
de
of
la
the
musique
music
(par
(by
les
the
élèves)
pupils)
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
un
one
an
year
‘the practice(*s) of music by the pupils{*in/for} one year’
Note that for these nominals, the unacceptability of plural marking relies on their CEN status. As shown in (27),
(27)
a.
Les
The.
études
study.
de
of
Max
Max
ont
have
duré
lasted
5 ans.
5 years
‘Max’s studies lasted 5 years.’
b.
Les
The.
pratiques
practice.
de
of
l’expert
the expert
sont
are
fiables.
reliable.
‘The expert’s practices are reliable.’
c.
Les
The.
fréquentations
attendance.
de
of
Max
Max
sont
are
douteuses.
questionable.
‘Max’s acquaintances are questionable.’
Contrary to the above CENs,
(28)
a.
Il
he
a
has
démonté
disassembled
des
meubles
furniture
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘He disassembled furniture {*in/for} two hours.’
b.
{le
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
démontage(s)
disassembling(.
de
of
meubles
furniture
(pendant
(for
deux
two
heures)
hours)
(par
(by
Max).
Max)
‘the disassembling(s) of furniture (for two hours) (by Max)’
(29)
a.
Les
the
ouvriers
workers
ont
have
rénové
renovated
des appartements
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 ans.
2 years
‘The workers renovated flats {*in/for} 2 years.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
rénovation(s)
renovation(.
d’appartements
of flats
(pendant
(for
2 ans)
2 years)
(par
(by
les
the
ouvriers)
workers)
‘the renovation(s) of flats (for two years) (by the workers)’
The major difference between the CENs in (24–26) on the one hand and those in (28–29) on the other hand lies in the fact that the latter derive from verbs exhibiting telicity alternation according to the properties of their objects. The telic counterparts of (28a) and (29a) are provided in (30), where only
(30)
a.
Il
he
a
has
démonté
disassembled
l’armoire
the closet
{en
{in
/
/
≠
≠
pendant}
for}
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘He disassembled the closet {in/≠ for} two hours.’
b.
Les
the
ouvriers
workers
ont
have
rénové
renovated
deux
two
appartements
flats
{en
{in
/
/
≠
≠
pendant}
for}
6 mois.
6 months
‘The workers renovated two flats {in/≠ for} 6 months.’
In (30), telicity is triggered by the presence in object position of count nominals introduced by numerals or definite determiners, that is, objects specified for quantity ([+SQO],
(31)
a.
Le
the
secrétaire
secretary
a
has
rédigé
written
deux
two
lettres
letters
{en
{in
/
/
*pendant}
*for}
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘The secretary wrote two letters {in/*for} two hours.’
b.
Le
the
secrétaire
secretary
a
has
rédigé
written
du
courrier
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘The secretary wrote mail {*in/for} two hours.’
c.
la
the
rédaction
writing
de
of
courrier
(par
(by
le
the
secrétaire)
secretary)
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
deux
two
heures.
hours
‘the writing of mail (by the secretary) {*in/for} two hours.’
d.
Les
the.
redactions
writing.
de
of.
courrier
(par
(by
le
the
secrétaire)
secretary)
(ont
(take
lieu
place
chaque
every
matin.)
morning)
Lit.: ‘The writings of mail (by the secretary) (take place every morning.)’
(i.e. ‘Mail writing sessions (by the secretary) (take place every morning.)’
(32)
a.
Les
the
bûcherons
loggers
ont
have
récolté
harvested
500
500
kilos
kilos
de
of
bois
wood
{en
{in
/
/
*pendant}
*for}
un
one
jour.
day
‘The loggers harvested 500 kilos of wood {in/*for} one day.’
b.
Les
the
bûcherons
loggers
ont
have
récolté
harvested
du
bois
wood
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
deux
two
jours.
days
‘The loggers harvested wood {*in/for} two days.’
c.
la
the
récolte
harvesting
de
of
bois
wood
(par
by
les
the
bûcherons)
loggers
{*in
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
deux
two
jours.
days
‘the harvesting of wood (by the loggers) {*in/for} two days.’
d.
les
the.
récoltes
harvesting.
de
of
bois
wood
(par
(by
les
the
bûcherons)
loggers)
(ont
(take
lieu
place
en
in
hiver.)
winter)
Lit.: ‘The harvestings of wood (by the loggers) (take place in the winter.)’
(i.e. ‘Wood harvesting sessions (by the loggers) (take place in the winter.)’
In examples (31d), (32d), as in (28b) and (29b), the use of the plural triggers a semantic shift, labelled “instance reading” in Knittel (
To sum up, we observe here a striking contrast between the CENs in (24–26) on the one hand and those in (28–29) and (31–32) on the other hand, since only the latter occur in the plural. As we have seen, this contrast is linked to the different properties of the base verbs. In the case of
It seems, then, that among CENs nominalizing atelic VPs, only those that are derived from verbs that also have a telic use can pluralize. In other words, it is not the actual telicity of the nominalized VP that has to be taken into account, but rather the availability of a telic counterpart. Observe also that the nominalizing affix has no influence on this phenomenon, contrary to what can be observed in other languages (see
This hypothesis is confirmed by the behavior of CENs such as
(33)
a.
Les
The
touristes
tourists
ont
have
visité
visited
la
the
ville
city
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures.
2 hours
‘The tourists visited the city {in/for} 2 hours.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
visite(s)
visit(.
de
of
la
the
ville
city
par
by
les
the
touristes
tourists
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2
2
heures
hours)
‘the visit(s) of the city by the tourists (in/for 2 hours)’
(34)
a.
L’inspecteur
the inspector
a
has
vérifié
checked
l’installation
the setup
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2
2
heures.
hours
‘The inspector has checked the setup {in/for} 2 hours.’
b.
{le
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
vérification(s)
checking(.
de
of
l’installation
the setup
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures
2 hours
‘the checking(s) of the setup {in/for} 2 hours’
(35)
a.
Les
the
pompiers
firemen
ont
have
ventilé
aired
la
the
cave
basement
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures.
2 hours’
‘The firemen aired the basement {in/for} 2 hours.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
ventilation(s)
airing(.
de
of
la
the
cave
basement
(par
(by
les
the
pompiers)
firemen)
{en
{in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures
2 hours
‘the airing(s) of the basement (by the firemen) {in/for} 2 hours’
The (b) examples of (33–35) show that the CENs derived from these ambiguous verbs occur in the plural, and thus behave as count nouns. This confirms the hypothesis put forward above, that the plural is available when the predicate can be construed as telic.
As a matter of fact, this behavior contradicts the analysis that links the [+count] value to the actual telicity of the VP, as presented in Table
Now, apart from activities, states constitute a second class of atelic predicates. We should then expect their behavior to provide a confirmation of the above hypothesis. The properties of stative CENs are examined in the following section.
As is the case for activities in (24–26), French exhibits CENs derived from stative verbs that reject pluralization. This is the case for
(36)
a.
Les
the
gardiens
guards
{détiennent
{hold
/
/
*sont en train de détenir}
*are holding}
les
the
clés
keys
(*lentement).
(*slowly)
*Cela
*this
a
takes
lieu
place
la
at
nuit.
night
‘The guards (*slowly) hold the keys. *This takes place at night.’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
*les}
*the.
(*lente(s))
slow
détention(*s)
detention(.*
des
of.the
clés
keys
par
by
les
the
gardiens
guards
(*a eu
(took
lieu
place
hier.)
yesterday)
‘The (*slow) detention of the keys by the guards (*took place yesterday.)’
(37)
a.
Les
the
politiciens
politicians
{ignorent
{ignore
/
/
*sont en train
*are
d’ignorer}
ignoring}
ces
these
problèmes
issues
(*rapidement).
(*quickly)
*Cela
*this
arrive
happens
à
on
la télé.
TV
‘Politicians (*quickly) ignore these issues. *This happens on TV.’
b.
{L’
{the.
/
/
*les}
*the.
ignorance(*s)
ignorance(.*
(*rapide(s))
(*quick)
de
of.
ces
these
problèmes
issues
par
by
les
the
politiciens
politicians
(*arrive
(*happens
à
at
la
the
télé.)
TV)
‘The (*quick) ignorance of these issues by politicians (*happens on TV.)’
(38)
a.
Un mot de passe
a password
{protège
{protects
/
/
*est en train de
*is
protéger}
protecting}
(*lentement)
(*slowly)
ces
these
documents.
documents
*Cela
se produit
happens
tous les jours.
every day
‘A password (*slowly) protects these documents. *This happens every day.’
b.
{la/*les}
{the.
(*lente(s))
(*slow)
protection(*s)
protection(.*
de
of.
ces
these
documents
documents
par
by
un
a password
mot de passe
(*se produit
(*happens
chaque
every
jour.)
day)
‘The (*slow) protection of these documents by a password (*happens every day.)’
The unavailability of the plural for the above CENs is reminiscent of what we have observed for push-verbs in (24-26). In both cases, this property is linked with the strict atelicity of the predicate.
Now, if the behavior of stative CENs parallels that of activity CENs, we should expect for CENs derived from verbs that are not strictly stative to occur in the plural. This predication is indeed borne out.
Consider the verbs
(39)
a.
Les
the
manifestants
demonstrators
{ont
{have
bloqué
blocked
/
/
*ont
*have
été en train de bloquer}
been blocking}
(*progressivement)
(*progressively)
l’autoroute
the highway
pendant
for
2 heures.
2 hours
‘The demonstrators (*progressively) blocked the highway for 2 hours.’
b.
Le
the
propriétaire
owner
{a
{has
fermé
closed
/
/
*a
*has
été en train de fermer}
been closing}
le
the
magasin
shop
(*petit
little
à
by
petit)
little
pendant
for
2 heures.
2 hours
‘The owner closed the shop (*little by little) for 2 hours.’
c.
La
the
rivière
river
{a
{has
inondé
flooded
/
/
*a
*has
été en train d’inonder}
been flooding}
(*lentement)
(*slowly)
la
the
ville
city
pendant
for
2 jours.
2 days
‘The river (*slowly) flooded the city for two days.’
As states, these verbs admit
The accomplishment reading of these verbs is illustrated in the examples (40). With this value, dynamic adverbs as well as
(40)
a.
Les
the
manifestants
demonstrators
ont
have
bloqué
blocked
l’ autoroute
the highway
{en
{in
15 minutes
15 minutes
/
/
très
very
vite}.
quickly}
‘The demonstrators blocked the highway {in 15 minutes/very quickly}.’
b.
Le
the
propriétaire
owner
a
has
fermé
closed
le
the
magasin
shop
{en
{in
5 minutes
5 minutes
/
/
rapidement}.
quickly}
‘The owner closed the shop {in 5 minutes/quickly}.’
c.
La
the
rivière
river
a
has
inondé
flooded
la
the
ville
city
{en
{in
2 heures
2 hours
/
/
lentement}.
slowly}
‘The river flooded the city {in 2 hours/slowly}.’
Let us now consider the CENs
(41)
a.
{le
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
blocage(s)
blocking(.
(*progressifs)
(*progressive)
de
of
l’autoroute
the highway
par
by
les
the
manifestants
demonstrators
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures
2 hours
‘the (*progressive) blocking(s) of the highway by the demonstrators {*in/for} 2 hours’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
fermeture(s)
closing(.
(*rapides)
(*quick)
du
of.the
magasin
shop
par
by
le
the
propriétaire
owner
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 heures
2 hours
‘the (*quick) closing(s) of the shop by the owner {*in/for} two hours’
c.
{l’
{the.
/
/
the.
les}
inondation(s)
flooding(.
(*lentes)
(*slow)
de
of
la
the
ville
city
par
by
la
the
rivière
river
{*en
{*in
/
/
pendant}
for}
2 jours
2 days
‘the flooding(s) of the city by the river {*in/for} 2 days’
(42)
a.
{le
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
blocage(s)
blocking(.
progressifs
progressive
de
of
l’autoroute
the highway
par
by
les
the
manifestants
demonstrators
(*pendant
(*for
2 heures)
2 hours)
‘the progressive blocking(s) of the highway by the demonstrators (*for 2 hours)’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
fermeture(s)
closing(.
rapides
quick
du
of.the
magasin
shop
par
by
le
the
propriétaire
owner
(*pendant
(*for
2 minutes)
2 minutes)
‘the quick closing(s) of the shop by the owner (*for two minutes)’
c.
{l’
{the.
/
/
les}
the.
lentes
slow
inondation(s)
flooding(.
de
of
la
the
ville
city
par
by
la
the
rivière
river
(*pendant
(*for
2 days)
2 days)
‘the slow flooding(s) of the city by the river (*for 2 days)’
In examples (42), dynamic adjectives are possible, and the unavailability of
Observe also that the states described in (39) are conceived as reversible. According to Fábregas & Marín (
In the above subsections, we have shown that activity and stative CENs exhibit two distinct behaviors. On the one hand, we find CENs that do not pluralize and, consequently, behave only as mass nouns. These are derived from strictly atelic verbs, such as pure states and push-verbs. On the other hand, we have also observed CENs that occur in the plural, thus qualifying as count nouns. In this case, the base verbs can be construed as telic as well as atelic. This is the case for inchoatives, that have an accomplishment reading besides their stative reading, for verbs ambiguous between an activity and an accomplishment value, and for verbs whose telicity relies on the [±SQ] feature of their objects. For these classes, [+count] CENs occur as nominalizations of both telic and atelic VPs, whether states or activities, contrary to what would be expected if the actual telicity of the structure were relevant. Rather, the [±count] character of CENs relies on the properties of the underlying verbal predicates. More precisely, [–count] CENs, for which plural marking is impossible, derive from verbal predicates that have no telic use at all ([-Telic]), whereas CENs appear as [+count] if the telicity of the verb can have a positive value ([±Telic]). In other words, it is the inherently unbounded character of the verbal predicates that is reflected by nominal unboundedness.
Consequently, we summarize the distribution of French plural CENs in Table
The distribution of plural CENs.
| Events | [-telic] | [±telic] |
|---|---|---|
| Aspectual classes | - Push-Verbs |
- [+SQO] Verbs |
| CENs | [-count] | [±count] |
In the following section, we show that this issue can be dealt with on syntactic bases.
As was seen in Section 2.1, the aspectual properties of event nominals can be analyzed in two manners, depending on the source of the eventuality they convey. For SENs, eventivity does not rely on an internal verbal structure. In such a case, boundedness has to be understood as a conceptual feature, since it is not linked to the presence of a specific syntactic structure. In contrast, for nominal containing verbal projections, as is the case with CENs, (a)telicity is due to the presence or absence of some projection responsible for this feature.
In fact, the correlation between atelicity and [–count] properties described above is proper to CENs. As the following examples show, nominals describing atelic SENs, whether states or activities, can—and sometimes must—occur in the plural (see
(43)
a.
Les
the
participants
participants
ont
have
discuté
discussed
pendant
for
2 heures
2 hours
chaque
every
matin.
morning
‘The participants discussed for 2 hours every morning.’
b.
Les
The.
discussions
discussion.
entre
between
les
the
participants
participants
ont
have
duré
lasted
2 heures
2 hours
chaque
every
matin.
morning
‘The discussions between the participants lasted 2 hours every morning.’
(44)
a.
Le
the
public
audience
a
has
applaudi
applauded
pendant
for
5 minutes.
5 minutes
‘The audience applauded for 5 minutes.’
b.
Les
The.
applaudissements
applause.
du
of.the
public
audience
ont
have
duré
lasted
5 minutes.
5 minutes
‘The audience’s applauses lasted 5 minutes.’
c.
*L’applaudissement
the applause
du
of.the
public
audience
a
has
duré
lasted
5 minutes.
5 minutes
(45)
a.
Paul
Paul
et
and
Marie
Mary
se sont
aimés
loved
pendant
for
15 ans.
15 years
‘Paul and Marie loved each other for 15 years.’
b.
L’
the
amour
love
de
of
Paul
Paul
et
and
Marie
Marie
a
has
duré
lasted
15 ans.
15 years
‘Paul and Mary’s love (for each other) lasted 15 years.’
c.
Les
The.
amours
love.
de
of
Paul
Paul
et
and
Marie
Marie
ont
have
duré
lasted
15 ans.
15 years
‘Paul and Mary’s love (for each other) lasted 15 years.’
The difference between SENs and CENs with regards to plural use reveals that the restriction on plural atelic CENs has to be viewed as having a syntactic origin. If it were indeed atelicity, understood as a conceptual feature, that were at stake, we would expect all atelic ENs, disregarding their simple or complex nature, to behave alike, which is not the case. Rather, the distinction between atelic ENs that occur in the plural and those that do not lies in the fact that only the latter have an internal verbal structure. As will be explained below, we indeed consider that CENs, as opposed to SENs, have internal verbal layers, and that their nominal properties are due to the presence of nominal projections dominating the verbal layers.
Consequently, the analysis of the phenomenon under examination has to be twofold. In order to understand where the difference between [+count] and [–count] CENs origins, a syntactic description of strictly atelic verbal structures on the one hand and of verbs exhibiting telicity variation on the other hand is needed. Second, the presence or absence of nominal plurality indicates that CENs are genuine nouns (see
As mentioned above, we consider that CENs have internal verbal layers. Their structure is composed by a categorially unspecified root √ (
| (46) | [ Voice [ v [√] ]vP ]VoiceP |
vP is the projection of eventivity and the locus of the internal argument merging. VoiceP is the projection where the external argument merges (
To account for verbal telicity, we adopt the hypothesis of an aspectual projection AspQP merging between vP and VoiceP (see
We can now describe the various internal verbal structures of the examples examined in the previous sections.
| (47) | a. | [ VoiceActive [ v [√] ]vP ]VoiceP |
| b. | [ VoiceActive [ AspQ [ v [√] ]vP ]AspQP ]VoiceP | |
| c. | [ VoiceStative [ v [√] ]vP ]VoiceP |
Structure (47a) corresponds to push-verbs (
Structure (47b) describes dynamic verbs exhibiting telicity variation, such as verbs reacting to their the properties of their objects (
Finally, (47c) is the structure of pure states and stative inchoatives. Similarly to push-verbs (49), states (48) are always atelic, irrespective of [±SQ] feature of their objects:
(48)
a.
Les
the
manifestants
demonstrators
ont
have
bloqué
blocked
{une
{one
route
road
/
/
des
routes}
roads}
pendant
for
2
two
heures.
hours
‘The demonstrators blocked {a road/roads} for two hours.’
b.
La
the
rivière
river
a
has
inondé
flooded
{la
{the
ville
city
/
/
des
villes}
cities}
pendant
for
2
2
jours.
days
‘The river flooded {the city/cities} for 2 days.’
(49)
a.
Les
the
étudiants
students
ont
have
fréquenté
attended
{ce
{this
bar
bar
/
/
des
bars}
bars}
pendant
for
6
6
mois.
months
‘The students attended {this bar/bars} for six months.’
b.
Max
Max
a
has
conduit
driven
{son
{his
camion
truck
/
/
des
camions}
trucks}
pendant
for
10 ans.
10 years
‘Max drove {his truck/trucks} for 10 years.’
The verbal predicates in (48) and (49) share the property of combining only with durative PPs introduced by
Consequently, and disregarding the Active/Stative feature on VoiceP, we suggest that we are facing two types of verbal structures. The first contains two projections, i.e. vP and VoiceP, and corresponds to strictly atelic verbs. The second also contains AspQP, and corresponds to potentially telic verbal predicates.
We are now able to provide an explanation for the distribution of the [±count] feature in CENs.
Consider first pure states and push-verbs. The corresponding CENs have been analyzed as [–count], since they never occur in the plural (see (24)–(26) for push-verbs and (33)–(35) for states). Conversely, all verbs deriving [+count] CENs contain AspQP in their structure. This is the case for inchoative verbs (41)–(42) and verbs exhibiting telicity alternation (28)–(30). Consequently, the origin of the [±count] distinction, which explains in turn the availability of plural marking, is the presence of this projection at the verbal level, and not the [±SQ] feature of the argument in its specifier, since, as shown above, atelic CENs do occur in the plural if they have a telic counterpart.
In what follows, we examine the nominal layers in CENs in relation with the verbal layers, in particular AspQP.
Although they have an internal verbal structure, CENs are genuine nouns. They are nominalized by the means of various affixes
| (50) | [ D [n [Voice]VoiceP ]nP ]DP |
Like other [+count] nouns, we assume that [+count] CENs are dominated by a Cl(assifier)P (
As shown in the following examples, [+count] CENs can be used with numerals, which are currently considered as merging under QP (#P in
(51)
a.
(les)
the.
deux
two
rénovations
renovation.
de
of
l’appartement
the flat
(par
(by
les
the
propriétaires)
owners)
‘(the) two renovations of the flat (by the owners)’ [cf. (29)]
b.
(les)
the.
cinq
five
visites
visit.
de
of
monuments
monuments
(par
(by
les
the
touristes)
tourists)
[cf. (33)]
‘(the) five visits of monuments (by the tourists)’
c.
(les)
the.
deux
two
inondations
flooding.
de
of
la
the
ville
city
(par
(by
le
the
fleuve)
river)
[cf. (41)]
‘(the) two floodings of the city (by the river)’
cf.
d.
(les)
(the.
trois
three
livres
books
‘the three books’
The above examples show that [+count] CENs contain a full-fledged functional structure, similarly to [+count] simple nouns, like
| (52) | a. | [ D [Q [Num [Cl [n [VoiceP] ]ClP ]NumP]QP ]DP ([+count] CEN) |
| b. | [ D [Q [Num [Cl [n [√]√P ]ClP ]NumP ]QP]DP ([+count] simple N) |
Now, a possible analysis would be to consider that, for count CENs, NumP merges if the internal verbal structure contains AspQP. The presence of NumP in the nominal structure would then mirror that of AspQP in the internal verbal structure.
However, various authors have suggested a different explanation for similar phenomena in other languages. According to Wiltschko (
Adopting such a point of view, we can now represent a [+count] CEN such as
(53)
a.
b.
Let us now consider the behavior of [–count] CENs. As we mentioned in Section 2.3., when indefinite, these do not behave as regular mass nouns, whose behavior is illustrated in (54).
(54)
la
bière
beer
/
de la
bière
beer
/
/
beaucoup
a lot
de
of
bière
beer
/
/
un
a
peu
little
de
of
bière
beer
‘the beer; (some) beer; a lot of beer; a little beer’
Apart from definite articles, simple [–count] nouns can be introduced by quantity expressions such as
| (55) | a. | J’ai bu *(de la) bière. |
| ‘I drank beer.’ | ||
| b. | *(De la) bière a coulé sur la table. | |
| ‘(Some) beer has been spilt on the table.’ |
To account for the above examples, we consider that Cl hosts the partitive article
| (56) | [ deCl laFem [n [bière]√P ]nP ]ClP |
Observe now the behavior of [–count] CENs with regards to articles and quantity expressions.
(57)
a.
{la
{the.
/
/
*de la
*
/
/
*un peu de}
*a little}
pratique
practice
de
of
la
the
musique
music
(par
(by
les
the
élèves)
pupils)
‘{the/*some/*a little} practice of music (by the pupils)’
b.
{la
{the.
/
/
*de la
*
/
/
*beaucoup
*a lot
de}
of}
protection
protection
de
of
ces
these
documents
documents
(par
(by
un
a
mot de passe)
password)
‘{the/*some/*a lot of} protection of these documents (by a password)’
c.
{la
{the.
/
/
*de la
*
/
/
*un peu de}
*a little}
fréquentation
attendance
de
of
ce
this
bar
bar
(par
(by
les
the
étudiants)
students)
‘{the/*some/*a little} attendance of this bar (by the students)’
Interestingly, the behavior of [–count] CENs does not parallel that of [–count] simple nouns. As shown in (57), they cannot be introduced by the partitive article, and do not admit quantity expressions either. As a matter of fact, the definite article is their only possible determiner. If we admit the current analysis that the definite article merges under D, we can suggest the structure in (58), where DP is the only projection dominating nP.
| (58) | [ D [n [VoiceP]nP ]DP |
The unacceptability of quantity expressions with [–count] CENs is readily explained if we consider that the
| (59) | [beaucoupQ [deCl [bièrei [ti]√P ]nP ]ClP]QP |
To sum up, we observe a striking contrast between [+count] and [–count] CENs on the one hand and between [–count] CENs and simple [–count] nominals on the other hand.
While [+count] CENs exhibit the typical behavior of nominal domains with full-fledged functional structure (DP, QP, NumP, ClP), DP is the only functional projection of [–count] CENs, which also differ from regular mass nouns by the absence of ClP. This, in turn, prevents the merging of QP.
Now, recall that in the previous section, we assumed that for CENs, the [±Telic] feature (see Table
(60)
a.
Il
he
a
has
{jardiné
{gardened
/
/
patiné
skated
/
/
tissé}
weaved}
{pendant
{for
/
/
*en}
*in}
2 heures.
2 hours
‘He {gardened/skated/weaved}{for/*in} 2 hours.’
b.
Il
he
a
has
fait
done
{du
{
/
/
beaucoup
a lot
de}
of}
{jardinage
{gardening
/
/
patinage
skating
/
/
tissage}.
weaving}
‘He did {gardening/skating/cooking}/a lot of {gardening/skating/weaving}’.
c.
*Il
he
a
has
fait
done
{un(e)
{a
/
/
plusieurs}
several}
{jardinage(s)
{gardening(.
/
/
patinage(s)
skating(.
/
/
tissage(s)}.
weaving(.
(61)
{la
{the.
/
/
de la
/
/
un
a
peu de
little
/
/
beaucoup
a lot
de}
of}
{pratique
{practice
/
/
protection}
protection}
‘{the/some/a little/a lot of} {practice/protection}
The examples in (60) show that [–count] SENs derived from atelic verbs, like
Under the analysis adopted here (see section 4.2.1.), it is the nominal structure of [±count] CENs that accounts for the potential telicity of the verbal bases. For count CENs, the presence of ClP and NumP are instantiations of the aspectual projection as defined here (i.e. AspQP) in the corresponding verbal structure; for [–count] CENs, their absence reflects that of AspQP in the structure of the base verbs. Since AspQP never merges in nominal structures, the [±Telic] feature it encodes is reflected in the merging of ClP, NumP and possibly QP; conversely, the absence of these projections accounts for the absence of AspQP in the corresponding verbal domain.
We are now able to provide a full analysis of the [–count] CENs examined above. The representation in (62a) presents the structure of CENs derived from push-verbs (21), and that in (62b) corresponds to purely stative CENs (11), which both lack ClP and NumP.
(62)
a.
b.
In this paper, we have provided a detailed description of the properties of French CENs with regards to pluralization, and shown that CENs can occur in the plural, and thus behave as [+count] nouns. This is however not the case for those derived from strictly atelic verbs, such as push-verbs and pure states, that are [–count]. In such cases, reference to a plurality of events can only be indicated by the means of frequency expressions. Conversely, even atelic VPs produce [+count] nominals, provided they have a telic counterpart. This is the case for verbs exhibiting telicity alternation depending on the [±SQ] properties of their objects, for verbs ambiguous between a telic and an atelic construal, and for inchoatives, that are either states or accomplishments.
This has led us to restate the hypothesis originating in Bach (
Since the above correlation between telicity and the [±count] distinction holds only for CENs, that have an internal verbal structure, we have sought its origin in the verbal layers of the corresponding verbs, and shown that it relies on the presence or absence of AspQP. Adopting the idea that this projection never occurs in the structure of CENs (
A final question that deserves to be addressed at this point is that of the potential realization of outer aspect in French CENs. It has indeed been shown by Alexiadou et al. (
However, count use is only an option for potentially telic CENs. Recall indeed from examples (1a) and (10b), that pluractionnality can be conveyed by frequency adverbials, coupled with unmarked nouns. As for atelic CENs, this option is the only one possible (15), which suggests that such unmarked nominals are in fact [–count] CENs. As hypothesized in Knittel (
“Simple Event Nominals” and “Complex Event Nominals” are respectively called “Conceptual Event Nominals” and “Grammatical Event Nominals” by Roy & Soare (
Some of the properties of CENs presented in Table
As we will see in Section 4, the restrictions on the nature of the complement, and on its presence, arise from the fact that Direct Objects merge under the event projection vP, and also play a crucial role with respect to telicity.
Apart from cases of ellipsis, where the internal argument can be recovered from the context:
(i)
J’ai réparé la voiture moi-même. La réparation par le garagiste aurait coûté trop cher.
‘I repaired the car myself. The repair by the mechanics would have been too expensive.’
(i)
Avec une jeune femme, le voyage fréquent serait possible, sinon facile.
‘With a young woman, the frequent trip would be possible, even easy’.
As for
Example from
Example from
Example from
Example from
Example from
Example from
Contrary to
(i)
*Les politiciens ignorent ces problèmes à l’Assemblée.
‘Politiciens ignore these issues in the parliament.’
[ok if
(ii)
Les gardiens détiennent les clés dans un coffre.
‘The guards hold the keys in a safe.’
(iii)
Le mot de passe protège les documents dans l’ordinateur.
‘The password protects the documents in the computer.’
This shows that the distinction between D-states and K-states (
Marín & McNally (
The inherent plurality of
I am grateful to all the researchers, particularly the audience of JENOM 6, and students who have discussed and commented the data and the analysis provided here, and to the three anonymous reviewers of Glossa for their detailed reviews and comments that helped me to improve the content of this article.
The author has no competing interests to declare.